[opiniojuris] Chris Borgen: The Other Half of the Picture
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Tue Feb 5 16:38:43 EST 2008
Posted by Chris Borgen:
The Other Half of the Picture
http://www.opiniojuris.org/posts/1202247517.shtml
Like Roger, and the rest of the Opinio Juris bloggers, I want to thank
Walter Russell Mead for joining us this week. I found God and Gold to
be provocative and to contain wonderful insights, particularly
concerning why the Anglo-Saxon powers have done remarkably well in
conflicts over the last 300 years.
But my first comment in this discussion will be less about what Mead
did analyze in the opening two sections of the book (discussing the
âclash of civilizationsâ and what may be called the Anglo-Saxon
diplomatic and warfighting methods), then about what he did not cover.
By this, I mean that Mead has built a fascinating but largely
Eurocentric (if I could include the U.S.) narrative. I question this
not out of some misguided âpolitical correctnessâ but rather because I
think that to understand properly the Anglo-Saxon encounter with the
rest of the world, and particularly to understand why some people push
back, it is vital to give due weight to the beliefs, goals, and
concerns of those people. Otherwise, one gets only half the picture;
and a picture which is somewhat rose-tinted, to boot.
Mead describes what he calls (tongue-in-cheek, I think) âWaspophobiaâ
and concludes, â[w]hatever we call it, the hatred and fear of white
Anglo-Saxon Protestants and of all their doings is one of the motors
driving the world.â (p.58, my emphasis.) A history which gave serious
weight to the actual desires and fears of those in the periphery of
this story (that is, the rest of the world besides Western Europe and
North America) may find that, perhaps, hatred of the powerful WASPs is
not as important an engine as it may seem. Maybe, instead, the people
of the periphery were not just reacting against Britain or the U.S.
but were acting upon their own affirmative visions of what they wanted
to build. If that is the case, then understanding those plans and
goals generated in the periphery--and why the U.K. and the U.S. chose
to react against them, is a key part of the story of how Britain and
America "made" the modern world.
If one focused equally on the encounter as it was experienced in the
countries facing Anglo-Saxon power, then one would not consider the
issue of âHow They Hate Usâ (the title of Chapter 3) without even
mentioning Mossadegh or Allende. Or the U.S. backing of the Shah,
Pinochet, and Duvalier, to give a few examples. It would also be less
likely that post-World War II history would receive a gloss such as
âAmerica supported independence drives in the former colonies, and
then allowed new states to enter the global economic system the U.S.
was building.â (p. 112) To quote a Haitian folk saying: âHe who is hit
always remembers. He who hits always forgets.â I think the narrative
in the opening sections of God and Gold has forgotten the other half
of the picture.
It is by forgettingâor by only briefly consideringâthe various
examples of bad faith or bad acts by the great powers that we come to
oversimplify the interaction the U.K, the U.S., and the rest of the
world. Mead summarizes:
Rich and free but also cold and inhuman: this is how the West looks
from the Eastâ¦
It is what Occidentalists look at when they hate and fear the West;
it is what Waspophobes are talking about when they decry the global
power and influence of Britain and the United States today. (p.
175)
No, they are probbly talking about more than that. And this is missed
in Meadâs analysis because the opening two sections of God and Gold
present an essentially a metropolitan history of international
politics. As Mead puts it:
To the degree that the story of world power politics in the last
few centuries has a single overarching plot, that plot is the long
and continuing rise of the maritime system as its center shifted
from the United Provinces to the United Kingdom to the United
States. (p.173)
I agree with that, as a general matter and, as I stated in the
opening, I think Mead has much of great insight to say on the
geopolitical style of the U.K and the U.S. But this story only goes so
far; it is one in which great powers were trying to outmaneuver each
other on the chessboard that is the rest of the world. The board, and
the chessmen on it, are barely described. And, at least the way the
first two sections of this book read, the board and the gamepieces are
acted upon, they are not actors in this story.
Giving serious attention not just to the power politics and economic
and social proclivities of the U.K. and the U.S., but also to those of
states on the periphery, can lead to further insights as to the role
of Anglo-Saxon power in the world, besides those that Mead has
presented.
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