[inteldump] Phillip Carter:
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Sun Sep 9 10:36:17 EDT 2007
Posted by Phillip Carter:
http://inteldump.powerblogs.com/archives/archive_2007_09_09-2007_09_15.shtml#1189348569
[1]Photo: NYT Today's [2]Sunday NY Times Magazine features a lengthy
profile of Harvard law professor Jack Goldsmith by Jeffrey Rosen, a
prominent legal scholar in his own right. Goldsmith, you may remember,
ran the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel from October 2003
to June 2004. OLC is the executive branch's in-house adviser on
matters of Constitutional law, and Goldsmith ran it during an
extremely important time. He resigned in June 2004, and now has a book
("[3]The Terror Presidency") coming out about his experiences. In the
NYT, Rosen offers a few teasers about what Goldsmith has to say:
. . . Although he refused to discuss his resignation at the time,
he had led a small group of administration lawyers in a
behind-the-scenes revolt against what he considered the
constitutional excesses of the legal policies embraced by his White
House superiors in the war on terror. During his first weeks on the
job, Goldsmith had discovered that the Office of Legal Counsel had
written two legal opinions â both drafted by Goldsmithâs friend
Yoo, who served as a deputy in the office â about the authority of
the executive branch to conduct coercive interrogations. Goldsmith
considered these opinions, now known as the âtorture memos,â to be
tendentious, overly broad and legally flawed, and he fought to
change them. He also found himself challenging the White House on a
variety of other issues, ranging from surveillance to the trial of
suspected terrorists. His efforts succeeded in bringing the Bush
administration somewhat closer to what Goldsmith considered the
rule of law â although at considerable cost to Goldsmith himself.
By the end of his tenure, he was worn out. âI was disgusted with
the whole process and fed up and exhausted,â he told me recently.
After leaving the Office of Legal Counsel, Goldsmith was uncertain
about what, if anything, he should say publicly about his
resignation. His silence came to be widely misinterpreted. After
leaving the Justice Department, he accepted a tenured professorship
at Harvard Law School, where he currently teaches. During his first
weeks in Cambridge, in the fall of 2004, some of his colleagues
denounced him for what they mistakenly assumed was his role in
drafting the torture memos. One colleague, Elizabeth Bartholet,
complained to a Boston Globe reporter that the faculty was remiss
in not investigating any role Goldsmith might have played in
âjustifying torture.â âIt was a nightmare,â Goldsmith told me. âI
didnât say anything to defend myself, except that I didnât do the
things I was accused of.â
Now Goldsmith is speaking out. In a new book, âThe Terror
Presidency,â which will be published later this month, and in a
series of conversations I had with him this summer, Goldsmith has
recounted how, from his first weeks on the job, he fought
vigorously against an expansive view of executive power championed
by officials in the White House, including Alberto Gonzales, who
was then the White House counsel and who recently resigned as
attorney general, and David Addington, who was then Vice President
Cheneyâs legal adviser and is now his chief of staff. Goldsmith
says he is not speaking out for the money; though he received a low
six-figure advance for the book, he is, after deducting some minor
expenses, donating the advance and any profits to charity. Nor is
he speaking out because he disagrees with the basic goals of the
Bush administration in the war on terror. âI shared, and I still
share, a lot of their concerns about what we have to do to meet the
terrorist threat,â he told me. When I asked whether he thought
Gonzales should have resigned and whether Addington should follow,
he demurred. âI was friends with Gonzales and feel very sorry for
him,â he said. âWe got along really well. I admired and respected
Addington, even when I thought his judgment was crazy. They thought
they were doing the right thing.â
Goldsmith told me that he has decided to speak publicly about his
battles at the Justice Department because he hopes that âfuture
presidents and people inside the executive branch can learn from
our mistakes.â In his view, American presidents for the foreseeable
future will, like George W. Bush, face enormous pressure to be
aggressive and pre-emptive in taking measures to prevent another
terrorist attack in the United States. At the same time, Goldsmith
notes, everywhere the president looks, critics â as well as his own
lawyers â are telling him that pre-emptive actions may violate
international law as well as U.S. criminal law. What, exactly, are
the legal limits of executive power in the post-9/11 world? How
should administration lawyers negotiate the conflict between the
fear of attacks and the fear of lawsuits?
In Goldsmithâs view, the Bush administration went about answering
these questions in the wrong way. Instead of reaching out to
Congress and the courts for support, which would have strengthened
its legal hand, the administration asserted what Goldsmith
considers an unnecessarily broad, âgo-it-aloneâ view of executive
power. As Goldsmith sees it, this strategy has backfired. âThey
embraced this vision,â he says, âbecause they wanted to leave the
presidency stronger than when they assumed office, but the approach
they took achieved exactly the opposite effect. The central irony
is that people whose explicit goal was to expand presidential power
have diminished it.â
References
1. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/09/magazine/09rosen.html
2. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/09/magazine/09rosen.html
3. http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/0393065502?ie=UTF8&tag=inteldump-20&linkCode=as2&camp=1789&creative=9325&creativeASIN=0393065502
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